The power relationship between government and business

Corporatocracy - Wikipedia

the power relationship between government and business

In social science and politics, power is the capacity of an individual to influence the conduct In business, the ethical instrumentality of power is achievement, and as such it is a zero-sum game. In simple terms it . There's an inverse relationship between interest in relationship and the degree of relational power. Power as. power relations between the government and NGOs, especially the .. relationship between NGOs and the government is concerned, there are internal . many Bangladeshi NGOs are now involved in such business contracts and profit-. What is the Role of Industrial Relations - Government, Employee, Furthermore – the relationship between employer and employee may be directly through equal bargaining power, and represent workers' interests in the.

See expressions of dominance. Rational choice framework[ edit ] Game theorywith its foundations in the Walrasian theory of rational choiceis increasingly used in various disciplines to help analyze power relationships. One rational choice definition of power is given by Keith Dowding in his book Power. In rational choice theory, human individuals or groups can be modelled as 'actors' who choose from a 'choice set' of possible actions in order to try to achieve desired outcomes.

An actor's 'incentive structure' comprises its beliefs about the costs associated with different actions in the choice set, and the likelihoods that different actions will lead to desired outcomes. In this setting we can differentiate between: This framework can be used to model a wide range of social interactions where actors have the ability to exert power over others.

For example, a 'powerful' actor can take options away from another's choice set; can change the relative costs of actions; can change the likelihood that a given action will lead to a given outcome; or might simply change the other's beliefs about its incentive structure. As with other models of power, this framework is neutral as to the use of 'coercion'. Cultural hegemony[ edit ] In the Marxist tradition, the Italian writer Antonio Gramsci elaborated the role of ideology in creating a cultural hegemonywhich becomes a means of bolstering the power of capitalism and of the nation-state.

The back end, the beast, represented the more classic, material image of power, power through coercion, through brute force, be it physical or economic. But the capitalist hegemony, he argued, depended even more strongly on the front end, the human face, which projected power through 'consent'. In Russia, this power was lacking, allowing for a revolution. However, in Western Europe, specifically in Italycapitalism had succeeded in exercising consensual power, convincing the working classes that their interests were the same as those of capitalists.

In this way revolution had been avoided. While Gramsci stresses the significance of ideology in power structures, Marxist-feminist writers such as Michele Barrett stress the role of ideologies in extolling the virtues of family life. The classic argument to illustrate this point of view is the use of women as a ' reserve army of labour '. In wartime it is accepted that women perform masculine tasks, while after the war the roles are easily reversed. Therefore, according to Barrett, the destruction of capitalist economic relations is necessary but not sufficient for the liberation of women.

He shows that power over an individual can be amplified by the presence of a group. If the group conforms to the leader's commands, the leader's power over an individual is greatly enhanced while if the group does not conform the leader's power over an individual is nil. Foucault[ edit ] For Michel Foucaultthe real power will always rely on the ignorance of its agents.

No single human, group nor single actor runs the dispositif machine or apparatus but power is dispersed through the apparatus as efficiently and silently as possible, ensuring its agents to do whatever is necessary.

Private Sector vs. Public Sector

It is because of this action that power is unlikely to be detected that it remains elusive to 'rational' investigation. This milieu both artificial and natural appears as a target of intervention for power according to Foucault which is radically different from the previous notions on sovereignty, territory and disciplinary space inter woven into from a social and political relations which function as a species biological species.

He writes, "A body is docile that may be subjected, used, transformed and improved.

the power relationship between government and business

Instead of using corporeal punishment in order to convince people to adhere to the laws of the day, Foucault says power becomes internalized during this period. Instead of watching someone be drawn and quartered in a public space, political power is exerted on individuals in a way that compels them to obey laws and rules on their own - without this show of force.

the power relationship between government and business

He builds on the ideas of Jeremy Bentham regarding the Panopticon in which prison inmates are compelled to behave and control themselves because they might be in the view of the prison guard.

The physical shape of the Panopticon creates a situation in which the prison guard need not be present for this to happen, because the mere possibility of the presence of the guard compels the prisoners to behave.

Foucault takes this theory and makes it generalize to everyday life. He claims that this kind of surveillance is constant in modern society, and the populous at large enacts it.

Therefore, everyone begins to control themselves and behave according to society's rules and norms. Feminist philosophers took up Foucault's ideas regarding docile bodies and applied them to the different ways men and women are socialized to use their bodies. She also cites diet, exercise, and skin care, among other processes, as sites in which the feminine body is made docile. Clegg[ edit ] Stewart Clegg proposes another three-dimensional model with his "circuits of power" [15] theory.

This model likens the production and organizing of power to an electric circuit board consisting of three distinct interacting circuits: These circuits operate at three levels, two are macro and one is micro.

The episodic circuit is the micro level and is constituted of irregular exercise of power as agents address feelings, communication, conflict, and resistance in day-to-day interrelations. The outcomes of the episodic circuit are both positive and negative. The dispositional circuit is constituted of macro level rules of practice and socially constructed meanings that inform member relations and legitimate authority. The facilitative circuit is constituted of macro level technology, environmental contingencies, job design, and networks, which empower or disempower and thus punish or reward, agency in the episodic circuit.

All three independent circuits interact at "obligatory passage points" which are channels for empowerment or disempowerment. Galbraith[ edit ] JK Galbraith summarizes the types of power as being "condign" based on force"compensatory" through the use of various resources or "conditioned" the result of persuasionand their sources as "personality" individuals"property" their material resources and "organizational" whoever sits at the top of an organisational power structure.

Thus a political regime maintains power because people accept and obey its dictates, laws and policies. Sharp's key theme is that power is not monolithic; that is, it does not derive from some intrinsic quality of those who are in power. For Sharp, political power, the power of any state — regardless of its particular structural organization — ultimately derives from the subjects of the state.

His fundamental belief is that any power structure relies upon the subjects' obedience to the orders of the ruler s. If subjects do not obey, leaders have no power. Rejecting instructive power is possible — rejecting destructive power is not. By using this distinction, proportions of power can be analyzed in a more sophisticated way, helping to sufficiently reflect on matters of responsibility.

This perspective permits to get over an "either-or-position" either there is power, or there isn'twhich is common especially in epistemological discourses about power theories, [24] [25] [26] and to introduce the possibility of an "as well as-position". The theory analyzes the culture of the powerful. The powerful comprise those people in society with easy access to resources, those who can exercise power without considering their actions.

Power (social and political) - Wikipedia

The unmarked category can form the identifying mark of the powerful. The unmarked category becomes the standard against which to measure everything else. For most Western readers, it is posited that if a protagonist's race is not indicated, it will be assumed by the reader that the protagonist is Caucasian ; if a sexual identity is not indicated, it will be assumed by the reader that the protagonist is heterosexual ; if the gender of a body is not indicated, will be assumed by the reader that it is male ; if a disability is not indicated, it will be assumed by the reader that the protagonist is able bodied, just as a set of examples.

One can often overlook unmarked categories. Whiteness forms an unmarked category not commonly visible to the powerful, as they often fall within this category. The unmarked category becomes the norm, with the other categories relegated to deviant status.

Social groups can apply this view of power to race, genderand disability without modification: Dual power leftist theory The term 'counter-power' sometimes written 'counterpower' is used in a range of situations to describe the countervailing force that can be utilised by the oppressed to counterbalance or erode the power of elites. This indicates a shift in income from labor persons who derive income from hourly wages and salaries to capital persons who derive income via ownership of businesses, land and assets.

Further, since lower income families tend to spend relatively more of their income than higher income families, shifting more of the income to wealthier families may slow economic growth. As another indication of U. Corporate tax payments have not kept pace with profit growth. About 46 companies have reincorporated in low-tax countries sinceincluding 15 since Six more also planned to do so in Writing in the Harvard Business Review in SeptemberWilliam Lazonick blamed record corporate stock buybacks for reduced investment in the economy and a corresponding impact on prosperity and income inequality.

the power relationship between government and business

This left little for investment in productive capabilities or higher income for employees, shifting more income to capital rather than labor.

He blamed executive compensation arrangements, which are heavily based on stock options, stock awards and bonuses for meeting earnings per share EPS targets.

EPS increases as the number of outstanding shares decreases.

Power (social and political)

Legal restrictions on buybacks were greatly eased in the early s. He advocates changing these incentives to limit buybacks. Too big to fail and Concentration of media ownership Percentage of banking assets held by largest five U.

Brid Brennan of the Transnational Institute explained how concentration of corporations increases their influence over government: It is such decision making power as well as the power to impose deregulation over the past 30 years, resulting in changes to national constitutions, and to national and international legislation which has created the environment for corporate crime and impunity. The top 5 U. Bankers are being paid more, too.