Church state relationship in nigeria things

church state relationship in nigeria things

Department of Marketing University of Nigeria, Enugu Campus, Enugu, State Nigeria. Abstract. Church commercialization is a violation of both church and public relations ethics. . The term church commercialization denotes two things. First. The issue of the separation of the church (religion) from the state Section of the Nigerian Constitution provides: “The Government of the So far, religion has only succeeded in ruining things as it has become a tool for. Keywords: Religion, Church, State, Politics, Violence up the political community and these may be inclined to diverse ways of doing things. .. which rejected the authority and counted upon the support of Northern Nigeria.

Similarly, although a Sharia Court of Appeal was established for the northern region, by Section of the Constitution, appeals from the Sharia Court of Appeal lay before the Federal Supreme Court—which was a secular court, established under Section of the Constitution.

In terms of the sources of Nigerian law, the common law of England, the doctrines of equity, and the statutes of general application, applicable to Nigeria beforewere to be administered in the courts in so far as local circumstances permitted.

Thus three sources of law were applicable in Nigeria courts—English law, customary law, and sharia law—although sharia law was considered by the British as part of customary law. On the other hand, the contradictions inherent in the very nature of Islamic law and political theory 36 predictably generated serious resistance from northern Muslims, who saw secularity and secular institutions as atheistic and against the very foundation of Islam.

Although the conflict between Islamic legal and political values and the Western colonial principles was tolerated by the northern establishment under colonialism, these contradictions became relevant shortly after independence. The conflict between Islamic and secular law in northern Nigeria was in place before independence. The colonial native courts in the region, which were in most cases presided over by Alkalis local judges who applied Islamic lawhad their decisions sometimes quashed on appeal to the regional high courts on the basis of repugnancy.

Before the West Africa Court of Appeal, the conviction was quashed and the sentence set aside. In the opinion of the court, whenever a native court tries any person for any offence defined in the Criminal Code, it is bound to follow the Code to the exclusion of Islamic law or native law and custom.

church state relationship in nigeria things

Similarly, in Maizabo v Sokoto Native Authority 41 it was held that though a native court had power to try a case under native law and custom—Islamic law then considered as native law, it could not impose a sentence higher than what the accused would have received had his case been tried under the provisions of the criminal code. Thus the British bequeathed to a unified Nigeria a seemingly secular system of government, albeit with deeply segmented religious cleavages, reflected in its institutional configuration.

Several factors underlie the resistance of northern Muslims to secularism after independence. As noted earlier, the British colonialists themselves sought to protect this political and legal order for reasons of imperial convenience, until it became obvious that an Islamic legal order would not serve the commercial interest of Western merchants, particularly after independence.

Unfortunately for Britain, its change of mind at the twilight of colonialism was too little too late, as the sudden introduction of Western secularism introduced a contradiction that would challenge the Islamic way of life and, therefore sow a seed of instability in the new state. This is because Islam under sharia is conceived by Muslims as an amalgam of political, religious, social, and economic life of Muslims, and even more.

An emergent secular regime that sought to separate religion from state affairs was therefore problematic to the northern oligarchs, who were accustomed to the fusion of political, economic, and spiritual roles under an Islamic regime.

As demonstrated below, this contradiction is clearly and consistently asserted by Nigerian Muslims in their quest for an Islamic political and legal order. Islam does not admit a narrow view of religion by restricting it within the limits of worship, specific rituals and spiritual beliefs. In its precise meaning, Islam is not only a religion; it is also a way of life that regulates all the aspects of life on the scale of the individual and the nation.

Islam is a social order, philosophy of life, a system of economic rules and government. A Christian for instance may be prepared, in the notion of giving to Caesar and God what respectively belong to them, to limit his right to religious freedom to matters of faith and worship only.

A person from the West may also be contented with the western compartmentalization of life into religious and temporal.

This is because his spiritual and moral worth is tested against his daily interaction with others at the congregational prayers, in marital union, in the pursuit of his legitimate livelihood and in the holding of public responsibilities, amongst others. Second, northern Muslims have had an obstinate adherence to the traditional philosophy of power and leadership that existed in pre-independence caliphate, a philosophy that associated governance with rulership in the traditional mould of the caliphatorial oligarchy.

Accordingly, the transition from an Anglo-Fulani colonial northern government to a modern democratic Nigeria based on egalitarianism came to the northern oligarchy as a rude shock. This political jolt was essentially based on a previous perception of power as an exclusive preserve of the emirs and the nobles, as well as the reality of a new nation that sought to create a distinction between political and religious authority.

Consequently, when the new class of northern oligarchs engaged in political activities, it did so within the limits of the concept of power in Hausa society, a concept guided by a hierarchically stratified society, with the emir at the top. Given that the social organization of the caliphate recognized the fusion of political and religious authority, the post-colonial Hausa-Fulani political elite continued, albeit informally, to associate religion with politics in the new political order, thereby creating an unhealthy tradition of politicizing religion and instrumentalizing it for political mobilization.

Under the new political dispensation, the Sardauna of Sokoto, Alhaji Ahmadu Bello, a caliphatorial prince, became the premier of the northern region, the de jure political leader of northern Nigeria, while the Sultan of Sokoto remained the de facto leader of the Muslim community in the north.

This unorthodox arrangement, by caliphatorial standards, created a gulf between the two personalities, as Islam hitherto provided political legitimacy to the political leader in the caliphate. This motivation led him into an ambitious Islamization campaign in the region and beyond, he allied with the Arab Islamic world in the process, attracting praise from that region as a champion of Islam and drawing millions of dollars from there in support of the faith in Nigeria.

In addition, the Islamic faith became a source of political patronage. For northern Nigerians, therefore, attainment of political power as well as advancement in the Public Service and the Military were intricately tied to Islam and association with the faith. Thus de jure, religion was separated from politics, but de facto, it remained a veritable source of political legitimacy in the north before the end of the first republic.

  • Can the two exist without each other?

Between Secularity and Spirituality: Situating the Nigerian State A. The terms secularity and secularism have undergone intense scrutiny by various scholars, institutions, or groups seeking to conceptualize distinctions and impose definitions on the terms.

Although scholars have established a distinction between secularity and secularism, these concepts are commonly regarded as meaning the same thing: The words derive from the Latin, saeculum, which means both this age and this world, and combines a spatial sense and a temporal sense.

In the Middle Ages, secular referred to priests who worked out in the world of local parishes, as opposed to priests who took vows of poverty and secluded themselves in monastic communities. In all of these instances, the secular indicates a distancing from the sacred, the eternal, and the otherworldly.

In the centuries that followed the secular began to separate itself from religious authority. In terms of typologies, the soft and hard correspondingly moderate and strict variants of secularity and secularism have been identified. Kosmin used the historical divergence between the French and American revolutions to construct the theoretical divergence between soft and hard secularism. According to him, the French revolution, which was anchored on a joint struggle against despotism, religion, the monarchy, and the Roman Catholic Church ie the French Jacobin traditionwas unreservedly antagonistic to religion and therefore promoted atheism.

In fact, the majority are liberal religionists. For the soft secularist, religion is properly a private lifestyle option, which must not threaten liberty and social harmony in a differentiated and pluralistic society.

On the other hand, soft secularism safeguards guarantee the right to freedom of worship and religion to all persons, both leaders and the led, thereby protecting the rights of religious minorities.

Such a soft secularism, therefore, seeks to significantly reduce religious influence in public life, while at the same time guaranteeing freedom of religion and conscience to individuals and groups in the private realm. A nation state could therefore adopt the hard strict variant of secularism or the soft moderate form.

Nevertheless, in such systems religious symbols and connotations are commonly used in public institutions, while religious beliefs are widely considered a relevant part of the political discourse in many of these countries. This is true of the United States, for instance, where religious sentiments are brought to bear on issues of abortion, euthanasia, same-sex marriage, etc.

Thus even the soft or moderate conception of secularism is vehemently opposed by religious organizations as a threat to spirituality and a gradual recession to atheism. Accordingly, a middle-of-the-road approach which seeks the limited integration of religion into the public realm what I refer to as moderate or concessional secularism 63 is hereby suggested as the most appropriate strategy.

Is Nigeria a Secular State? Anyone saying Nigeria is a secular nation does not understand the meaning of the word secular. There is nothing secular about the Nigerian nation since whatever we do will always put Islam and Christianity in the fore front. On the one hand, the Nigerian Christian community, particularly its leadership, has consistently held the view that the divine state has universally given way to the secular state, where the temporal secular ruler enjoys full autonomy as ruler with no control from religious or spiritual authorities.

If you want to bring religion in, let it be after office hours. It seeks to undermine Islamic values, supplant the Islamic laws with those of its own and deface the sanctity of the Muslim society. Afterwards, an evaluation of these laws is made against the de facto relationship between religion and the state.

This analysis attempts to isolate what ought to be from what is the actual relationship between religion and the Nigerian state. The starting point, therefore, is to identify the characteristics of secularism in a constitutional democracy. Wing and Varol exhaustively circumscribed the attributes of secularism in the following passage: First, in secular regimes, sovereignty belongs to the nation and not to a divine body ….

Second, religion is separate from the State in a secular government. Third, a secular government is neutral towards all religions. As such, the regime cannot have an official religion and does not protect one religion over another. Likewise, all individuals, irrespective of their religion, are equal before the law. Fourth, a secular regime requires the education and the legal systems to be secular.

Church Vs Government Can the two exist without each other? - Pulse Nigeria

The legal system does not contain laws based on religion, and the education system is based on logic and science, not religion or dogmas. Fifth, a secular government requires freedom of religion and conscience. Thus, secularism does not mean the absence of religion from society. Individuals are free to exercise their religions and manifest their religious beliefs in both the private and the public sphere.

On the basis of these characteristics, therefore, the following queries are appropriate: Where does sovereignty reside in Nigeria—in the state or in a divine body? To what extent are Nigerian laws insulated from religious dogmas? Is the Nigerian state neutral and fair in its dealings with all religions? Are Nigerian legal and educational systems independent of religious dogmas?

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Muhammad was by no means the ruler of this community. In him, religion and politics coupled with military might blended together. The religious claim for justice, equality and fair distribution of wealth and resources is itself a seedbed of violence. Jihad, for example, is both a political and religious slogan that the Muslims use. In many traditional African societies, there were rulers of some sort who were kings, queens, chiefs or elders.

These people were not simply political heads: The individuals as such may not have outstanding talents or abilities, but their office was the link between human rule and spiritual government.

They were, therefore, divine or sacral rulers, the shadow of or reflection of God's rule in the universe. People regarded them as God's earthly viceroys.

Mbiti notes that they gave them highly elevated positions and titles such as: Rulers, therefore, were not ordinary men and women; they occupy a special office, and symbolise the link between God and man.

In Africa, therefore, there was no dichotomy between politics and religion. Religious ideals are the norms of society by which members of society are judged. New Religions and new systems of Government in Africa Africa has had a lot of interaction with other systems of governance and other religious beliefs. Colonialism brought new systems of governments, which tended to be autocratic, centralised and global[16].

This was also the time of arrival of Islam and Christianity into Africa. Reference[4] states that the flag followed the cross. The colonial Church seemed to work hand in hand with the colonising government and in hence people did not see any difference between the colonial masters and the missionary. Because of this marriage between the church and the colonial government, some Africans formed their own indigenous churches based on the quest for political independence.

One of the contributions that the missionaries brought was education, which in turn armed many Africans with ideas that later on turned out to be very useful in the African quest for self-governance.

The Relationship between Church and State

They later organised crusades against colonialism and won their battles for political independence. At this time of the struggle for independence most Catholic and Protestant leaders did not fight to support the new leadership who were defending a noble cause of freedom, liberty and human dignity. This complicity of the church forced many Africans to form their own churches.

In the present Democratic Republic of Congo, for example, two major churches emerged: Reference[13] Unfortunately, the hard fought independence in the s entered into the era of death, doom and destruction in the subsequent two decades. There followed chaos, rise of militarism, the cold war, corruption, etc. The new elite moved towards centralisation, consolidation and silencing critics.

The Religious organisations that had been recognised at independence as partners were sidelined. In other instances, religious institutions such as schools and hospitals were nationalised.

church state relationship in nigeria things

Almost invariably, the church was marginalised in power sharing and at best given a ceremonial role of leading prayers at state-functions. During the cold war, the churches played different roles and faced many difficulties[14]. In some cases, the church took sides with the oppressed and as a consequence faced persecution. In other cases, it took sides with the dominant powers and kept quiet in the face of all evils of militarism and dictatorship.

Such religious leaders were compromised with lavish gifts such as cars and handouts. But where the church chose the prophetic role, it faced persecution. The best example we can sight is that of Archbishop Janan Luwum of Uganda who stood out against the dictatorship of Idi Amin against all odds when all other religious leaders kept mum. He was consequently murdered by Amin agents. In South Africa, some churches did not compromise with the apartheid. They took the side of the poor and did not give up that role until the end of apartheid.

Of the most outspoken and renown characters is Bishop Desmond Tutu. Reference[16] shows that when Mobutu introduced Movement Populaire de la Revolution as a one party state and a political religion in former Zaire, the church vehemently opposed it until it was removed. Religion and Politics Today in Africa In their quest for personal wealth and power some African leaders have impoverished their countries and perpetuated corruption. Reference[3] notes that independent Africa has witnessed more violence of human rights, corruption, injustice and oppression than it did in colonial times.

Many political leaders own public lands and assets wrongly. A number of African heads of State have been trying to endure and get support, if not survive on power from some religious leaders.

Reference[13] shows that during the last two decades religion has again come to the forefront of socio-economic and political life of many countries. Religious organisations have been actively involved in various efforts aimed at conflict resolution and peace. The people of Africa turned to the churches for direction and solutions.

African Churches suddenly became the centres of socio-political life. For example, the Churches initiated the peace agreement in Liberia. These National Conferences, usually led by religious leaders, brought all political, social and economic forces of the country together to analyse the political situation of the country, to draft a provisional constitution and to institute an interim government to lead the country's transition.

Reference[3] notes that the Religious organisations helped many countries to draft the new constitutions. In Togo, for example, a bishop acted as speaker of parliament for two years and in Congo, a bishop acted in the same capacity for almost four years. In Liberia, during the war, the head of the Lutheran Church was asked to be the vice president of the country while people were looking for means and ways to end the civil war. Former President Nelson Mandela appointed Archbishop Desmond Tutu to lead the Truth and Reconciliation commission to deal with the crimes of apartheid and bring about reconciliation.

After fragile democracies have been installed in many countries, several issues are emerging[18]. These issues require the church to reposition itself and redefine its ministry because the church's call for change generated conflict with those who wanted to preserve the statusquo. Where elections have been held there is need for unity and co-operation that are pre-requisites for peace and reconstruction. They engage themselves in civic education of the whole population and are at the forefront of political and social issues of the country, especially election monitoring.

They insist that they have the God-given moral duty to enlighten Christians to see that in advancing the values of democracy, they are advancing the values of God's kingdom. This is a major breakthrough of the recognition that the church has a stake in the socio-economic and political advancement of the country.

Reference[3] shows that in Kenya, the church has played a significant role in the politics of the country. This letter was written at the time when Kenya was still finding its political bearing. Kenyatta and other leaders were still in prison.

The letter was encouraging Kenya to independence. The concern for peace and pastoral admonitions against tribalism and revenge must be understood in the context of the Mau Mau struggle, which was still fresh in people's memories. The next significant letter was written on Independence and Peace on the occasion of the Tenth Anniversary of Independence, 12th December In it the Bishops speak about peace which was threatened by greed for power and wealth.

Other letters followed some written directly to the president. Inthe Kenya Episcopal Conference established a "Justice and Peace Commission" which provided inspiration and support to promote peace and justice.

Through this Commission they have spoken for the people during times of elections. To this day this program is actively involved in the Constitutional Review process. There are also individual religious leaders who speak out whenever people's rights and freedoms are at stake.

Notable among the vocal religious leaders are retired Archbishop Raphael Ndingi of the Catholic Church, The Anglican retired Bishop David Gitari and Sheik Balala, of Mombasa, a Muslim who was very political minded but later became silent for reasons which are not clear to the public. Other religious leaders have occasional political outbursts whenever there is a crisis although not out of principle. The leaders argue that their role is to pray and not to be involved in politics. They are quick to quote the Biblical episode concerning the payment of taxes to the Romans in Mark In these texts, Jesus gave the answer: Such Churches take the view that involvement in politics is not within their institutional interest and violates their understanding of Christian mission.

To them religion has nothing to do with the social life of the people and politics is the sin of the highest order. This kind of religion is built on the foundation stone of the Hellenistic idea of the disembodied soul in which matter is sin[16]. This is the kind of Christianity that some missionaries preached.

Our reaction is that if God is interested only in the salvation of souls, many people do not need such a God. Man is much more than the soul; the love of neighbour means also caring for the body as well.

Jesus made this statement to the tricky political question he was asked, whether it is lawful to pay tax to Caesar or not. The fact that, Jesus answered the questions quickly shows that he had interest in political matters. The master of Christianity, Jesus, was involved and committed to politics.

Therefore, the actual religious leaders should be committed to politics. It should be noted that, since religious leaders are God's servants for ensuring promotion of justice and righteousness, they must criticise the state if it does not promote justice and human dignity.

New Religious Movements As already noted earlier, some New Religious Movements were formed as a reaction to the mainline Churches that seemed to support the colonial governments. These Religious movements and Churches were of political nature and fought for independence.

There are many examples of these Churches which include the Napramas of Mozambique: Antonio was a young man who claimed to have died at the age of 12 and resurrected to end the civil war between the government and RENAMO. Antonio fascinated his followers by claiming that he could neutralise RENAMO bullets with the ash of sacred tree, which gave them stupid courage.

He was later defeated[2]. Under the leadership of the Holy Spirit, her medium, Alice Auma Lakwena, a young woman from Gulu, built up an army to overthrow the government of Museveni, to cleanse the world of evil and to build a new world in which man and nature were reconciled. Not only men and women fought as the Holy Spirit soldiers but also 14, spirits and part of animate and inanimate nature such as bees, snakes, rivers, rocks and mountains, among others.

The war of the Holy Spirit Movement was a cosmic uprising in which human forces, spiritual forces and forces of nature actively took part together[4].

Eventually, on the temporally basis they gained the upper hand against NRA. President Museveni called them "Forces of Backwardness" and fought hard to eliminate them[2]. Lately, the sect has demonstrated a fearlessness and militancy that alarms other citizens and leaders.

It has raided police stations, engaged the police in running battles, forcibly circumcised women, stripping and beating women dressed in trousers, attacking other Churches, administering oaths and many other subversive activities. The claim of the sect is that they are advancing the objectives of the Mau Mau which have been betrayed by the present government.

They are at the forefront of the campaign for a people-driven constitution reform. They preach snuff, the female cut and worship a traditional god, bemoaning forgotten values and practices.

The group, which is traditional, religious and also political, has been accused of being backward, anti-development and of harbouring subversives bent on visiting bloodshed and terror on other citizens. This cult does share something in common with Mungiiki Sect mentioned above. It is noteworthy saying that, political parties come and hide themselves behind the new religious movements.

In Nigeria, Maitatsine movement led by a man Marwawho claimed to be a new prophet of Islam was grounded in social and political radicalism, which rejected the authority and counted upon the support of Northern Nigeria. This movement can be seen as a millenarian movement.

About 5, people died in during the 11 days of rioting. Matatsine followers had contempt for the materialism of Kanu State and demonstrated their class antagonism by taking to the streets to destroy Godlessness manifested through shops used to milk the poorbars and Christian Churches.

Marwa was by no means a conventional follower of Islam and showed no respect to the Muslim community and its founder. The result of this was that Marwa became renown as a prominent dispensary of protection enjoying the company of politicians as in[2] The Correct Relationship between Church and State First to clarify a few simple definitions, as the modern meaning of "church and state" as defined today has a completely different meaning of what it did some time back. Today the phrase has been defined to mean the prohibition of any religious faith to have an influence on or in the government, its original intent and meaning was to prevent the government from controlling or influencing the free exercise of religion or religious expression.

The relationship of church and state, or religion and politics, mirrors the interplay of ecclesiastical and governmental institutions in society in the Judeo-Christian tradition, between religious officials and state authorities, and in the Islamic tradition, between the imam-caliphs and sultans. In the West this interplay has occasioned a number of theological and philosophical formulations on the relative authority of church and state.

Refer [21] Christian theology at one time and place or another has swung from viewing the church as supreme, with the state merely a vassal of the church, to viewing the state as supreme, with the church a purely spiritual power.

Most formulations, however, have posited a mutually dependent church and state. Similarly in Islam, formulations have ranged from an imam-led theocracy to an essentially secular establishment usually balanced with some form of clerical influence in the government. Judeo-Christian Tradition As in reference [22],Historically discussions of church and state in the West have referred to the relationships between the formal institutions and leadership of the church and officials of the government.

church state relationship in nigeria things

This dualistic view of religion and politics began with the Jewish nation, which, forced to submit to a succession of conquerors, nevertheless retained its independent religious identity, separating spiritual from worldly matters. As in reference [23], Christianity, growing out of Judaism, preserved this distinction, as exemplified by Christ's injunction to "render therefore to Caesar the things that are Caesar's and to God the things that are God's" Matthew Prior to this departure, secular rulers, including Roman emperors, possessed religious authority either in a priestly role as intermediaries between people and gods or as gods themselves.

The Judeo-Christian tradition, on the other hand, has always involved some separation of sacred and secular authorities. As in reference [25],Even after Christianity became the official Roman religion under the emperor Constantine I, the duality of civil and religious authority was affirmed by church fathers, such as Saint Augustine, and by Pope Gelasius This doctrine of dual authority in church and state was referred to as the "two swords" doctrine. With the fall of the Roman Empire, the church gained enormous political and administrative power as the source of educated leaders in European kingdoms and feudal principalities.

Charlemagne, as Frankish emperorsought to subordinate that ecclesiastical power and advance an independent secular rule. As in reference [23] In pursuit of those goals he named bishops and required political allegiance of them.

But, despite these conflicts over the extent of church versus state authority, the doctrine of dual authority remained. With the Protestant Reformation, begun by Martin Luther inthe medieval doctrine of two swords was replaced by the doctrine of the sovereign state.

In this Protestant view, the church was clearly subordinated to secular authority in worldly matters. As an instance, the Act of Supremacy inin which England's Henry VIII established a state church, placed ecclesiastical structures under the authority of the crown. In many German principalities the same Protestant principle was enshrined through the formula cuius regio eius religio, or "to each prince his own religion.

Wars of religion, most notably the Thirty Years War, followed as Catholics and Protestants fought for control of the state churches and the faith of the people. Separation of Church and State As in reference [24], the doctrine of the separation of church and state has undergone, and is undergoing, constant modification. Its origins long predate the wars of religion.

Saint Augustine considered all earthly governments, regardless of their form, as representative of the fallen and imperfect "city of man. The church, for Augustine, represented the perfect and eternal "city of God," preserving the divine, otherworldly values of peace, hope, and charity. Hence, church and state were separate but related: Saint Thomas Aquinas defined the state as author and executor of human law, whose charge is the punishment of vice and encouragement of virtue.

The church, he held, is the interpreter of divine law through natural law, of which human law is an inferior part. Hence, for Aquinas, the church properly advises the state on many matters, especially those relating to moral legislation.

Martin Luther made a radical break with traditional Christian theology and Catholic church polity by leveling the institutional hierarchy through "the priesthood of all believers," and by separating church and state in this world. By defining the state purely as a "hangman," charged with establishing worldly peace through punishment of crime, and considering the church as primarily concerned with spiritual matters unrelated to politics, Luther effectively sundered the secular authority from the ecclesiastical and placed the church under the governance of the state.

The other leading Reformation theologian, John Calvin, subscribed to Luther's democratic "priesthood of all believers," but at the same time he reestablished a distinct church authority by prescribing a governance of presbyters, elders, and deacons. Non-Christian Traditions The leading non-Christian religions of the world, Islamic in the Middle East and Africa and Hindu-Buddhist in Asia, exhibit various configurations of sacred and secular, religious and political.

Middle East Reference[25],Although the Islamic holy book, the Koran, does not contain an explicit theory of politics, several traditions of relations between the sacred and the secular have developed since the far-flung Islamic empire was embraced in a single caliphate.

Islam today is divided into Sunnites, who hold that political and religious authority should be united in one person, an imam caliph, and Shiites, who regard spiritual leadership and sometimes nationhood as less all-embracing.

Thus in Sunnism the separation of religion and politics is denied, while in Shiite Islam, in which imams are restricted for the most part to their religious vocation, political action devolves on secular leaders. In the 19th century, responding to European colonial domination, Islamic fundamentalism emerged, altering Muslim perspectives on religion and politics. Seeing Islamic weakness as the result of corruption by Western practices and beliefs, Islamic fundamentalism in the next century spread across the Middle East, enjoining military and political action to create an "Islamic republic" that would sweep away Western influence and establish a single state with the religious authorities in control.

With the proliferation of new nation states after the collapse of the Ottoman Empire innational governments in the Islamic world followed both Sunnite and Shiite tendencies. The oil-rich Arab states, notably Saudi Arabia and Kuwait, combined religious and secular power in the figure of an absolute monarch Kuwait introduced its first constitution inSaudi Arabia only in In both states the Islamic Sharia is the foundation of the legal system.

Since the fall of the shah inShiite Iran has been constituted as an Islamic republic. Israel, although a modern democratic state in most respects, adheres to the traditional Jewish law, halachah, in some matters of personal conduct, including marriage and divorce.

church state relationship in nigeria things

Moreover, the Orthodox community, through its political parties, seeks to extend the halachah to other areas of life. Asia Reference [26], Hindu views on religion and politics, which dominate social philosophy in India, rely less on formal institutional mechanisms than on an underlying theology that informs the proper ordering of society.

For Hinduism, the universe is made up of a God, or divine intelligence, that operates through cosmic laws properly ordering everything in existence. Each thing in the universe, including individuals and groups in society, should keep to its divinely ordained place and fulfill the duties of that place. Law, then, exists to maintain by force the performance of these obligations, which include one's caste duties and those duties associated with one's role as husband, wife, father, mother, son, or daughter.

The secular government in Delhi has had to contend with repeated outbreaks of Hindu militance, much of it directed against Muslims. As in reference [26], Buddhism, an offshoot of Hinduism, adheres to the basic view of the state as punishing crime and disorder but eliminates the divine origin of its cosmology and the caste-based definition of social harmony.

Buddhism in Southeast Asia maintains its temporal power through close association with secular rulers. In China, Japan, and elsewhere in Asia it influences government, if at all, largely through suasion.

There are some sections of the Church which have stressed the utter hopelessness of this world and called upon the individual to concentrate solely on preparing his soul for the world to come. By ignoring the need for social reform, religion is divorced from the mainstream of human life. Christianity is not meant just for the soul; it is for the whole person. The Church must seek to transform both individual lives and the social situation that bring to many people anguish of spirit and cruel bondage.

The validity of this sort of church involvement in politics hangs on consistency in pointing out error and providing worthy example in leadership. Regrettably, the church in Kenya as in many African states has failed as a consistent critic as well as worthy example.