Near Neighbours: Records on Australia's Relations with Indonesia | Chapter 1: Key Australia responded by referring the matter to the United Nations Security . The relationship between Australia and Indonesia is important, say to the serious detriment of our relations with the United States and our. Indonesia-Australia Relations: A Year After the Executions oration had been delivered by former president of the United States Bill Clinton.
The incident prompted closer coordination between Indonesian and Australian authorities, including regional conferences on people smuggling, trafficking in persons and other trans-national crime.
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Jemaah Islamiyaha violent Islamist group, claimed responsibility for the attack, allegedly in retaliation for Australia's support for East Timorese independence and the War on Terror. The following year, Indonesian diplomatic and consular premises in Australia received a number of hoax and threat messages.
Since then, both the United States and Australian governments have issued warnings against travel to Indonesia, advising their citizens of a continued risk of attacks. A key outcome was support for the conclusion of a security agreement, later realised as the Lombok Agreement, providing a framework for the development of the security relationship by the end of on defence, law enforcement, counter-terrorismintelligence, maritime security, aviation safety, WMD non-proliferation, and bilateral nuclear cooperation for peaceful purposes.
President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono visited Australia in Apriland became the second Indonesian leader to address federal parliament: The day when policy makers, academicians, journalists and other opinion leaders all over the world take a good look at the things we are doing so well together.
And they will say: But they now have a fair dinkum of a partnership. During the same visit, President Yudhoyono was appointed an Honorary Companion of the Order of Australiathe country's highest civilian honour, for strengthening the bilateral relationship, and promoting democracy and development. The decision attracted significant criticism from the federal oppositionand Indonesia threatened to take the dispute to the World Trade Organization.
Austrade estimates that more than Australian companies operate in Indonesia. Negotiations first started in and the deal is expected to be signed in late Since the trade began in the s, more than 6. Sincewhen Indonesia adopted Law No. Australia is ranked 8th in Indonesia's import list.
Australian aid to Indonesia[ edit ] Indonesia is the largest recipient of Australian aidand Australia is the fourth-largest donor of foreign aid to Indonesia.
Australia was faced with a dilemma. However, recognition of, or even support for, the Revolutionary Government was fraught with danger for it could well have played into the hands of the communists and encouraged Sukarno's anti-Western rhetoric.
Australia trod warily, careful to nurture the constitutional validity of the central government, but at the same time cautious of Sukarno's wayward mood and the ability of the PKI to use the situation to its own advantage.
Believing that the United States had supplied the rebels with arms, Sukarno then rejected a US proposal that marines be landed in Sumatra to protect American lives and property. The losers were parliamentary democracy, the people of the outer islands and the political parties that had procrastinated over how to deal with the rebels. Ever the opportunist, Sukarno capitalised on his new position. His problem now was playing his arch rivals, the communists and the Army, off against each other to maintain his pre-eminent position.
The beginning of 'guided democracy', —59 In the Australian Department of External Affairs assessed the Indonesian Parliament as being incapable of dealing authoritatively 'with the grave political and economic problems arising from eight years of military occupation, war and revolution'. President Sukarno occupies a key position.
As the father of the revolution, his prestige is firmly established and with the frustration and disillusionment which have resulted from the wranglings and manoeuvres of coalition governments, his importance as controller of the balance of power has increased as the reputations of others have declined.
He has a remarkable understanding of the public relations technique required of a national figure and he has successfully kept Vice-President Hatta in the background. Early that year he announced the idea of 'guided democracy', which would cut through the irrelevant Western liberal democratic debate and reach proper decisions under the guidance of an enlightened leader, namely Sukarno. His concept was modelled on that of the Indonesian village: Although practical at the village level, it did not translate easily into running a nation deeply divided by ethnic, regional, class and religious differences.Indonesian Policy Forum: Future Opportunities and Challenges in the Australia-Indonesia Relationship
Sukarno created a national council which, apart from members of the political parties, comprised representatives from functional groups such as religious and workers' organisations and the military.
Under Sukarno's personal guidance, this national council would come to national consensus on various matters. This innovation allowed Sukarno to bypass the political parties and, more importantly, it promoted the interests of the functional groups, particularly the military, who were soon deeply involved in managing the nationalised Dutch estates.
The creation of the national council ushered in a series of crises, including the resignation of the government, the formation of a revolutionary government in Sumatra and the seizing of Dutch assets as part of the campaign to recover 'Irian Barat' the PKI term for Netherlands New Guinea. Despite these setbacks Sukarno pressed on with his concept of guided democracy. The nationalisation of Dutch assets fed his profligacy and Indonesia was soon on the steep and slippery slope to financial ruin.
The rise of the Partai Komunis Indonesia, —65 Image 3: As Sukarno turned to bizarre forms of mass appeal, and as he lost the confidence of conservative voters, he turned to the PKI to balance the influence of the military and the Muslims.
Love but Distrust Thy Neighbor: A Glance at Indonesia-Australia Relations | Jakarta Globe
Initially the military tolerated this situation, but as the PKI grew in strength and numbers, it began to feel threatened and started planning to combat this new menace. By balancing one force against another, Sukarno managed to keep himself at the epicentre of power, with each group depending on his patronage for its place on the podium of public affairs.
From an Indonesian perspective it could be said that Sukarno's drift to the Left was merely redressing the balance for the PKI by allowing it the full privileges enjoyed by other political parties.
From a Western perspective, derived essentially from an American view of communism, this leftward drift was a major concern and for some a fixation. The PKI was formed in and had been closely involved with the revolutionary spirit of the Republic.
But they were not trusted, and with good reason.
Although it had often shared the stage of power in Indonesia, the PKI was never quite ready to play the lead role. Its strategic timing for going on the offensive was inept.
A final settlement with the Dutch had not yet been reached and the actions of the PKI were seen as both traitorous and an attempt to seize power while the central government was under great pressure. In short, it was seen as almost anti-Indonesian.
The communist revolt was quickly quashed, but the PKI would not remain quiescent, for its power base was widespread and growing as the Indonesian economy declined. Unwittingly Sukarno's profligate ways were aiding the growth of his most dangerous enemy.
Madiun did not kill the PKI off and by the time of the PRRI rebellion in the late s it was back in Sukarno's court and exercising great influence in most areas of government. By the early s it was pushing Sukarno hard for its policies to be accepted. Australia and other Western nations were greatly concerned by the widespread influence of the PKI.
So powerful was that influence that one commentator noted that 'it was difficult to tell whether Sukarno or the communist leadership was setting the pace of the Indonesian Revolution'. Netherlands New Guinea, —63 Contrary to Western wishes, Sukarno attempted to bolster the Indonesian economy with nationalised property, seized first from the Dutch and then from the British.
Attempts were later made to seize American and other international property. However, the seizing of foreign-owned assets failed to prop up Indonesia's failing economy, and as the economic climate worsened the political fortunes of the PKI grew. So too did Sukarno's irrational behaviour.
By the early s inflation in Indonesia was rampant. Needing an external trigger to distract his compatriots from the reality of Indonesia's economic debacle, he found a purpose-built one in Netherlands New Guinea, whose fate had been left to a future mandate in the post-World War II agreement with the Dutch.
Indonesia had never renounced its irredentist claims to the territory, and for Sukarno the time was now ripe to press them home.
With presidential backing the PKI and other leftist elements began a virulent propaganda campaign to seize Irian Barat. Indonesian aspirations for Irian Barat struck a chord of fear within Australia, because it suggested to the Australians that Indonesia wanted the remainder of the island, ie Papua and New Guinea. Suddenly Australia had to focus on sharing a common land border with Indonesia. The committee found it was important that Indonesia did not gain possession of West Irian for the following reasons: Australian newspapers reported that the common land border with Indonesia was a new threat to Australia's security.
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Moreover, Australians were becoming worried about Sukarno and his bombastic threats, and were concerned at how easily the protective 'moat' to the north had been circumvented. For some Australians, Asia was coming too close to home. By Australia had accepted that Indonesia would claim only territory previously part of the former Dutch East Indies, and earlier fears of aggrandisement by the Indonesians evaporated.
The former Dutch colony was placed under United Nations administration in and transferred to Indonesian control a year later with the proviso that a UN-sponsored plebiscite be held to determine the colony's future. The plebiscite was conducted in and Irian Barat later Irian Jaya became Indonesia's seventeenth province.
He believed passionately in Indonesia's place in the world and was prepared to promote it at any cost, even if that involved sacrificing its economic security.
Irian Barat had provided one, and now he was to be given another on a plate: Britain, for economic reasons, wanted to withdraw its forces from South-East Asia.
To this end, it sought to end its rule of Singapore, Sabah and Sarawak without compromising the political stability of these colonies. Their union with the already independent Malaya seemed to meet this requirement, even though it was in some ways a marriage of convenience. Sukarno, strongly supported by the PKI, saw the union of the colonies and Malaya as 'an imperialist plot of encirclement', and he vowed to 'crush' Malaysia. After the creation of Malaysia, the British, who had controlled all operations during the Emergency, immediately pressured Australia to provide more troops to deal with the Indonesian threat.
British forces in the region were thinly spread and the threat from Indonesia meant that additional troops were needed. This was one element in Australia's decision to reintroduce National Service in At its height Australian forces in Sarawak were deployed across the border into Indonesian territory to ambush Indonesian patrols moving towards the border.
The Gestapu coup and the rise of the New Order Government, —70 By Indonesia was rife with social, religious and political antagonisms.