Foreign relations of Yemen - Wikipedia
The upside for Oman has been a tremendous increase in trade relations with Qatar as a result of the Saudi-led blockade. Oman's. After the Houthi capture of Sanaa in , Oman sought to use its positive relations with all major parties in Yemen to position itself as a peace. Oman's moderate, independent foreign policy has sought to maintain good relations with its neighbors and to avoid external entanglements. Inspired by the .
Either way, the potential for a massive escalation of the humanitarian crisis across Yemen will place added pressure on the Omani-Yemeni border. SinceOman has tried to play its customary neutral, mediating role in Yemen. Whilst declining to accept Yemeni refugees, Oman has worked hard to provide humanitarian and medical assistance to Yemeni civilians, for example, flying badly wounded individuals to Muscat hospitals for treatment. However, recent accusations by the Saudi-Emirati bloc, and the U.
In fact, the Trump administration has signalled its stance by indicating that Muscat must do more to stem the flow of weapons into Yemen, if it hopes to continue to play a major role in future peace negotiations. Whether or not Oman can fully guarantee the non porosity of its land and sea borders with Yemen is another question, as Oman has long relied on the collaboration of the Al-Mahri tribes who straddle the Oman-Yemen border.
Simmering unease has existed between Abu Dhabi and Muscat since an Emirati spy cell was uncovered in Oman in It should be noted the map also made Qatar disappear completely.
The political symbolism was highly provocative and Sultan Qaboos was said to be furious, with unconfirmed rumours circulating that Omani troops were placed on alert. Similarly, to the Al-Mahri tribes in the southern border zone, Muscat has long provided additional privileges to Musandam residents to ward off Emirati overtures. For example, job seeker allowances, which were initiated after protests in Oman, were eventually cancelled everywhere except in Musandam.
Around Muscat, new businesses and developments continue to spring up and the shopping malls remain full of Omani and expatriate consumers. How sustainable the economy is remains the main question, however, as the government, wary of social unrest, continues to absorb much of the financial impact of budget shortfalls. Most of the military who came over subsequently returned, but the President of the breakaway republic, Ali al-Bidh, who sought refuge with his family, remains.
Al-Bidh is, however, in a state of political silence, and it may well be that Yemen is happy for him to remain there under such conditions. The second problem which Oman faced was what attitude to take to the new united Yemen. There may have been some anxiety at first, if only because Oman had got used to working with the southern officials and was now confronted with forces it knew less well. But this was a temporary concern, and in time relations were consolidated.
The core of this new understanding is the border agreement signed between the two countries on 1 October This delimited the border, whilst two appendices dealt, respectively, with the organisation of the border authorities, and the use of water, grazing and movement in the border zone, this latter being defined as a zone running up to a maximum of 25 kilometres each way from the common boundary line. A subsequent agreement covered the clearing of mines left from the time of the Dhofar war.
Final border maps were exchanged in June 5.
There was some controversy in Yemen over rumours that the government was giving away territory to Oman, and Omani officials for their part took pains to explain the agreement to the tribes who lived along the frontier. But as far as the domestic opinion of both countries is concerned this agreement prompted far less controversy than many other such issues in the Peninsula and the Middle East as a whole. Current Concerns When we come to the present, we can recognise that, for all their differences Yemen and Oman have many similarities.
They are countries which combine a rich internal diversity, with an openness to the outside world. Both have created a national heritage that draws on diverse aspects of their past. This diversity can be a source of strength not of weakness. InYemen there are differences of religious sect, between Zeidi and Shafei, and of region, stretching from the northern highlands to Hadhramaut.
Oman for its part has a religious diversity, comprising Ibadhis, who are neither Sunni nor Shia, with Sunni and Shia minorities. Oman also has its geographical diversity, from the Batina coast to the mountains of the interior down to Dhofar. The challenge of development is, in both cases, to preserve this diversity whilst forging a modern state. Both are also countries which, for all their periods of isolation in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, are open to the outside world and have lived that openness in a vety creative way: In Yemen, the Horn of Africa is a small distance away — Yemen gave Ethiopia its script — and the migrations of the past two centuries have produced a diaspora that stretches through much of the Indian Ocean and on, including to the cities of Britain.
There is one further element that they both share, and which has been well illustrated in recent history, and that is a remarkable ability to overcome internal differences. The history of both countries in modern times is one of recurrent upheaval and revolt. Under the Imams there was considerable resistance, most notably in the revolt of the Free Yemenis ofbefore the Hamid al-Din succumbed in September to the revolt of Sallal and the other officers.
Oman and Yemen: an historic re-encounter
Eight years of civil war followed. The history of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries has also been one of uprising and challenge: Yet after each of these, including the more recent and ideological confrontations, a measure of resolution and conciliation occurred; there was no large-scale and enduring retribution, but rather an attempt to forge a new, national, consensus. This is something remarkable in any comparative perspective and something which marks South Arabia off from those European and other countries — one thinks of Ireland and Finland in the s, Spain in the s, or Greece in the s, let alone the USA after the s or China after — where civil war was followed by decades of division and recrimination.
This is something which the two countries share, and it is something that I was struck by during my recent visit to Oman. Today relations between the two countries are stronger than at any time in the past and no major difficulties seem to be looming. There are, inevitably, a few areas that require management, four of which may be mentioned. First, there is a degree of competition between the two states over the development of their respective container ports.
Both Aden and Salala are developing bulk container ports, for transshipment in feeder ships to the Gulf and Africa. Salala is up and running, with an annual throughput ofTEUs 6.
Two major shipping lines have agreed to use and develop it.
Oman vs. Yemen
Aden plans for a first year throughput ofTEUs, but has faced greater difficulty in attracting external co-operation and investment. There is no reason why, if there is an upturn in the regional and East Asian economies, both ports should not function at their proper capacity, but the longer-run picture is as yet uncertain. Secondly, there are some low-level security problems along the frontier. While the arrangements for the frontier delimitation have been put into place, and there is development at the main crossing point of al-Madhyuna, there is a cross-border traffic in arms, from Yemen to Oman, and in stolen cars, from Oman to Yemen, which causes concern.
Thirdly, there is the issue of general policy on the Arab world. Oman has sided clearly with the West, and has, while expressing concern at the impact of sanctions on Iraq, supported Security Council resolutions since Yemen, while opposing the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait, has supported neither military action nor sanctions. On this, the most neuralgic issue in the Peninsula today, the two states, and, one suspects, much of their public opinion, remain divergent. This may have implications for what has for several years been a major goal of Yemeni foreign policy, admission to the Gulf Co-operation Council.
The CCC, established inis a club of oil-producing monarchs: It is not sure whatYemen realistically expects from this application, or indeed what it anticipates from its application to join the Commonwealth: Finally, this rapprochement between Oman andYemen has not gone unnoticed in their shared neighbour: Oman was careful to settle its frontier with Saudi Arabia before settling that with Yemen.
It may also be that Riyadh felt it had not been consulted, and that, in general, the Saudis would have preferred Oman to wait until Riyadh settled withYemen — whenever that might be. The context for any such discussion should, I would argue, involve two shared longterm trends. One is the rise of a new generation — a product of education, of the experiences of the past twenty years, of increased contact with the outside world. The battles of the s, s and s mean only a limited amount to this new generation.
They are concerned with the place of their societies in the Arab, Islamic and international worlds, they aspire to economic and social development, they may not accept the constraints, internal and external, that their elders endured. They most certainly will not, and do not, accept controls on information and expression that were customaty in the past.Yemen vs Oman Military Comparison 2017
The other shared long-term trend is the shift from oil- or rent-based economies to a post-oil epoch. Oman places great hopes in gas, but the market for gas, and the investment problems accompanying its transportation, are far greater than for oil, and may not easily be solved, on terms satisfactory to Oman. The economic future, and the employment prospects, for each country are therefore challenging, and uncertain.
Both countries also face challenges in the development of their political systems. I alluded earlier to the diversity which exists in both countries, on confessional and geographical bases. This is a source of potential enrichment and creative diversity. On December 11,Moshe Nahari, a Jewish teacher, was murdered in a market in Raidah, home to one of the last Jewish communities in Yemen.
After the attack, President Saleh pledged to relocate Yemeni Jews to the capital. In the spring ofPresident Saleh attempted to broker a reconciliation agreement between the competing Palestinian factions Hamas and Fatah.
Oman vs. Yemen - Country Comparison
During a March meeting in Sana'a, Palestinian representatives from both groups signed a declaration the Sana'a Declaration calling for the creation of a national unity government, but the talks fell apart over the issue of Hamas's role in a unified Palestinian Authority.
Yemen is not a signatory to the Kyoto Protocol but has acceded to it, which has the same legal effect as ratification. Embassy asked Americans in Yemen to keep watch for any suspicious terrorist activity following a terrorist incident on board a flight to the US that was linked to Yemen.
No reopening date was given.